The July survey was the 12th in a series that Mint<\/i> runs biannually with YouGov India and Delhi-based think tank Centre for Policy Research. It had 10,314 respondents from over 200 towns and cities and was held online. About 45% of the respondents were post-millennials (Gen Z, born after 1996), and 39% were millennials (born between 1981 and 1996).<\/p>\n\n
Also read <\/i>| How social media fed politics and strained relations during 2024 polls<\/i><\/p>\n
More respondents preferred increasing tax for big companies (63%) over having an inheritance tax (37%), and creating more government jobs for the youth (57%) over enabling private businesses to create more jobs (43%). Around 53% said the government should focus on narrowing the rich-poor gap (53%) over high economic growth (47%). The nearly 50-50 split shows the view wasn\u2019t as one-sided as with most other questions. There was also a halfway split on keeping fuel prices low (51%) versus promoting public transport (49%).<\/p>\n
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Class gap<\/strong><\/h2>\nOpinions varied significantly based on respondents\u2019 self-perceived financial status. Among those who considered themselves wealthy, preferences were nearly split across most questions. However, for those identifying as middle-class or poor, choices were more decisive, leaning heavily toward specific options.<\/p>\n
Also read <\/i>| <\/i>India\u2019s middle-class riddle: How much do you need to be called rich?<\/i><\/p>\n
We asked similar questions two years ago, and the responses largely align\u2014with one notable shift. Support for free healthcare and education for the poor has surged, rising from 59% to 70% when compared with public infrastructure. Meanwhile, the preference for cash transfers over lower income tax relief has dropped from 47% to 33%.<\/p>\n
Despite a growing trend of political parties promising subsidies, India\u2019s digital natives in urban areas appear less convinced by such offerings.<\/p>\n
Budget challenge<\/strong><\/h2>\nThe survey invited respondents to allocate a hypothetical government budget of \u20b9<\/span>100 across five welfare policies. “Improving conditions of hospitals and schools” topped the list, receiving an average allocation of \u20b9<\/span>24. This was followed closely by “creating conditions for more government jobs” ( \u20b9<\/span>23), “investment in public infrastructure” ( \u20b9<\/span>21), “stimulus for growth of big businesses” ( \u20b9<\/span>17), and “direct cash transfers to the poor” ( \u20b9<\/span>16).<\/p>\n\n
The emphasis on hospitals and schools aligns with another finding from part 4 of this series, where a significant share of respondents favoured free or heavily subsidized education and healthcare. Once again, the survey indicates limited support for direct cash transfers to the poor.<\/p>\n
Also read <\/i>| India\u2019s freebie paradox: Voters dislike it but want some things for free<\/i><\/p>\nVote impact<\/strong><\/h2>\nDo personal economic anxieties shape views on the government\u2019s performance? The analysis reveals a clear connection between how respondents rated the last two terms of the Bharatiya Janata Party government and their perceived difficulty in job hunting.<\/p>\n
Also read <\/i>| In charts: 2024 polls changed the electoral pitch \u2014 but only a little<\/i><\/p>\n
Currently, 47% of urban Indians say finding a job is “difficult,” up sharply from 34% in December 2022, when the survey last asked the same question. The perception of difficulty has grown most among post-millennials, rising from 35% to 51%, and among women, from 36% to 51%, compared to a rise from 32% to 44% among men. Jobs were reportedly hardest to find in mid-sized cities, followed by tier-III cities.<\/p>\n
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Among respondents who found job-hunting difficult, 27% rated both terms of the government \u201cequally good,” while another 27% preferred the first term. About 22% thought both terms were equally poor\u2014the highest dissatisfaction rate among groups based on job-hunting ease. Respondents facing job difficulties were five times more likely to rate the government\u2019s 10-year record negatively (22%) than those finding jobs easy (4%).<\/p>\n
The survey suggests a noticeable preference for public goods, more jobs, and tax reforms. The low inclination towards the private sector could be because finding jobs has got tougher across demographics and regions. However, as the government settles into its third term, it would worry about the link between voting choices and personal economic anxieties.<\/p>\n
(The authors are associated with CPR, New Delhi.)<\/i><\/p>\n
This is the seventh and concluding part of a series about the findings of the 12th round of the survey. The previous parts covered political attitudes, middle-class aspirations, social media use, views on welfare policies, and healthy food habits. These surveys are skewed towards urban, well-to-do netizens, with 90% of respondents falling under the NCCS-A socio-economic category.<\/i><\/p>\n
Part 1 (14 October): 2024 polls changed the electoral pitch \u2014 but only a little<\/i><\/p>\n
Part 2 (15 October): Making sense of urban India\u2019s political faultlines<\/i><\/p>\n
Part 3 (21 October): India\u2019s middle-class riddle: How much do you need to be called rich?<\/i><\/p>\n
Part 4 (22 October): India\u2019s freebie paradox: Voters dislike it but want some things for free<\/i><\/p>\n
Part 5 (28 October): How social media fed politics and strained relations during 2024 polls<\/i>Part 6 (29 October): The great Indian diet challenge: do we really know what\u2019s healthy?<\/i><\/p>\n
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